When it comes to the 2022 midterm elections, faith and flag conservatives are most likely to say among Republican-oriented groups that it really matters which party wins control of Congress (and is most likely to say so among all typology groups). Nearly nine in ten conservatives who are registered voters (89%) say so, compared to about eight in ten right-wing populists (81%) or committed conservatives (79%). Only 1 of the 13 smaller states (with 3 or 4 electoral votes) received one of the 253 events of the campaign, namely the narrowly divided state of New Hampshire. All other states in this group were ignored. Only 3 of the 25 smaller states (with 7 or fewer electoral votes) received one of the campaign`s general events. All other small states have been ignored. The 3 states that attracted attention were the narrowly divided battlefield states of New Hampshire, Iowa, and Nevada. They generally have attitudes that place them at the center of general public opinion and are more conservative than liberal on certain social issues, and more liberal than conservative on economic issues. And although they vote significantly worse than other typology groups, 43 percent of them will vote in 2020 — with about half of them voting for Trump. When it comes to the influence of religion on government policy, religious conservatives and flag conservatives are self-sufficient: they are the only group in which a majority (75%) say government policies should support religious values and beliefs.
Less than a third of other Republican groups say the same thing. Almost all of faith and flag`s conservatives (99%), committed conservatives (96%) and the populist right (97%) who voted in the 2020 presidential election voted for Donald Trump, as did a narrower majority (70%) of ambivalent right-wing voters. While this reflects to some extent that about a quarter of the ambivalent right leans toward the Democratic Party, Trump`s support among the ambivalent right, which identifies as Republican or Republican, was still slightly lower than that of other Republican-oriented groups: 86 percent of ambivalent right-wing Republican voters supported Trump, while 10% voted for Biden and 4% voted for someone else. Another 8% of Leaner Democrats and Democrats belong to a GOP-oriented typology group (the majority of which are part of the ambivalent right). These are people who lean toward Democrats, but whose values and attitudes are more aligned with a group whose other members tend to be affiliated with the GOP. (Similarly, 6% of Republicans and Leaners Republicans belong to Democratic-oriented typology groups.) Today, the Progressive Left is the only typological group in which a majority says they like political leaders who identify as democratic socialists – 60% say so, while only 4% say they don`t. Established liberals and the outsider left are more likely to say they like a political candidate than to say they don`t; Yet about half of the members of these groups say they don`t like or dislike candidates who use this self-description. Although a majority of Democrats and Democratic supporters say that the Democratic Party should generally accept elected officials who openly criticize Biden, this sentiment differs among Democrats within typology groups: while only 25 percent of the progressive left and 30 percent of the outsider left say the party should not accept those who criticize the president, this rises to 42% among Democrats, who are establishment liberals, and 55% of those who are Democratic pillars. On issues of racial justice in society, democratically oriented groups also generally share the feeling that more needs to be done in the country to achieve racial equality, that whites enjoy benefits in society that blacks do not have, and that blacks, Asians, and Hispanics face at least some discrimination in society. Looking back on the 2020 Democratic primary campaign, Democratic-oriented typology groups had significantly different preferences before the first caucuses and primaries. In January 2020, while a dozen Democratic candidates were still running, 39 percent of the Democratic pillars named Biden as their first choice for the nomination, more than twice as many as any other candidate. Biden also had an advantage among mainstream liberals, although about a quarter of that group (26 percent) nominated candidates with less overall support (then-Mayor Pete Buttigieg, Senator).
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